The lawyer timeline template was created for making an impactful opening statement in any litigation or defense trials. This template chronologically illustrates the events of a legal case and it shows the timing relationships between those events. Office Schedule Template Free Sample Timeline Template. Creating Timelines—. Choose Your Tool. Creating graphic timelines has been made easy by litigation support software and even a few non-legal applications. For example, a timeline may consist of twenty events that span over a three-year period. Yet, twelve of those events may have occurred in a single month of that.

• • • • • • • The function of the chronology you are drafting is to give your attorney the raw data that will be used to explain your case in correspondence and legal documents. It’s at best embarrassing and at worst impossible to correct basic errors about the when’s, where’s and why’s after we have formally put your case in writing. Free Download Gsa Abstracts With Program Programs Running. So go through all the documents available to you (date book, email files, cell phone bills, bank records, tax returns, notes made at meetings or in phone conversations) when you start the drafting process. Organize these records and use the information in them as the basis of your draft. The information your attorney will need will vary depending on the details of your case. Make sure that you have a clear understanding of exactly what your attorney needs.

Here are a few examples. • For a divorce, the basics will always include date of cohabitation, date of marriage, births of any children, dates when jobs of both parties stopped and started, dates of any separations, and dates when major assets such as houses were acquired and sold.

• For a contract dispute, your attorney will need the dates of all meetings and phone calls with a summary of what was said, the dates that any draft contracts, notes, emails or other written records were created, and the exact dates, times and circumstances in which you or the other party signed any formal documents. • For a boundary dispute, you will need the date that each party acquired their land, the names of the previous owners of each piece of land and the dates of ownership of those previous owners if known, the dates of any conversations about the disputed land, and the dates that any structures or fencing on or next to the disputed land were erected. Resist the common temptation to cut out the boring stuff that happened before things really heated up.

Most people when talking about stressful events will concentrate on the things that seem the most upsetting (the day that a spouse left the children unsupervised, that the would-be business partner’s check bounced, or that the neighbor put up the “no trespassing” signs). But the background to any of these events is at least as important, and in many cases more important legally, than the fireworks that came later. So start with the earliest background: meeting your spouse, deciding to start the business venture that eventually went disastrously wrong, the first time you heard about the real estate you now wish you had not bought. A vague description of events is not going to be useful to your attorney. Don’t use shorthand or general descriptions of what happened or what was said. Instead of: “I always put my children before my career,” say “In April 2003 I took a 10% pay cut so that I could be home by 4 PM every day when the children got home from school.” Instead of: “He told me that he would pay me back with some money he was expecting soon,” say “He told me that he was going to get about $75,000 from his father’s estate by the end of the year and could pay me back by January.” You might not have records (or a steel-trap memory) that let you come up with a list of exact dates.

If you have to, just tell your attorney approximately when something occurred. For example: “This happened just a few weeks before my sister’s college graduation in mid- June 2002. I remember that it was after all this happened that I had to cancel our travel reservations.” “Although I do not have these phone records, I know that these conversations took place before January 2004 because every time we talked he was still promising to pay me the money by January 1st.” Better to say too much than not enough. Don’t worry about giving information that might turn out to be irrelevant. Your attorney can disregard anything that is unnecessary to your case, but he can’t use what you don’t tell him about. If you think something just might somehow be relevant, even as background information, include it.

The information you give us needs to be precise and accurate. So read through the chronology a few times yourself before giving it to your attorney.

If you aren’t very sure about dates (did that happen on Christmas Day 2002 or 2003?) check your records again. If you still can’t be sure that some of the information you have given is right, note these doubts prominently on the chronology itself. We make no promises or representations about the accuracy of this information, or how it applies to your particular case. These articles are designed to give you ideas to consider and discuss with an attorney, but are no substitute for legal advice, and must not be used as such.

Marcos in 1982 In office December 30, 1965 – February 25, 1986 Prime Minister Himself (1978–1981) (1981–1986) Vice President (1965–1973) Preceded by Office Established (Formally Abolished the preceding to the ) Succeeded by Office Abolished (The occurred on the 22 and 25th of February 1986 Abolishing the Totalitarian Dictatorship of and Establishing the and ending the Rule making the 11th. In office June 12, 1978 – June 30, 1981 Preceded by Office established (Position previously held by ) Succeeded by In office August 28, 1971 – January 3, 1972 President Himself Preceded by Succeeded by In office December 31, 1965 – January 20, 1967 President Himself Preceded by Succeeded by Ernesto Mata In office April 5, 1963 – December 30, 1965 President Preceded by Succeeded by In office December 30, 1959 – December 30, 1965 Member of the from 's In office December 30, 1949 – December 30, 1959 Preceded by Pedro Albano Succeeded by Simeon M.

Valdez Personal details Born Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos ( 1917-09-11)September 11, 1917,, Died September 28, 1989 ( 1989-09-28) (aged 72),, Resting place,, Ilocos Norte (1993–2016),, (since November 18, 2016) Political party Other political affiliations (1946–1965) (1965–1978) Spouse(s) ( m. 1954) Children 4 (,,, and an adopted child, ) Profession. • • • Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos, Sr. (September 11, 1917 – September 28, 1989) was a politician, who was from 1965 to 1986. He ruled as a under from 1972 until 1981. His regime was infamous for its corruption, extravagance, and brutality.

Marcos claimed an active part in, including fighting alongside the Americans in the and being the 'most decorated war hero in the Philippines'. A number of his claims were found to be false and documents described Marcos's wartime claims as 'fraudulent' and 'absurd'.

Marcos started as an attorney, then served in the from 1949 to 1959 and the from 1959 to 1965. He was elected President in 1965, and presided over a growing economy during the beginning and intermediate portion of his 20-year rule, but ended in loss of livelihood, extreme poverty, and a crushing debt crisis.

Marcos placed the Philippines under martial law on September 23, 1972, during which he revamped the constitution, silenced the media, and used violence and oppression against the political opposition, Muslims, communist rebels, and ordinary citizens. Martial law was ratified by 90.77% of the voters during the though the referendum was marred with controversy. Public outrage led to the. Allegations of mass cheating, political turmoil, and excesses of human rights abuses led to the in February 1986, which removed him from power. To avoid what could have been a military confrontation in Manila between pro- and anti-Marcos troops, Marcos was advised by President through Sen. To 'cut and cut cleanly', after which Marcos fled to Hawaii.

Marcos was succeeded by, widow of the assassinated opposition leader who had flown back to the Philippines to. According to source documents provided by the, the Marcos family had stolen US$5–10 billion.

The PCGG also maintained that the Marcos family enjoyed a decadent lifestyle—taking away billions of dollars from the country between 1965 and 1986. His wife, whose excesses during the couple's made her infamous in her own right, spawned the term 'Imeldific'.

Two of their children, and are still active in Philippine politics. This section needs additional citations for.

Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (March 2016) () He was married to, on May 1, 1954 and the marriage produced three children: • (born 12 November 1955), Governor of Ilocos Norte • (born 13 September 1957), Senator of the Philippines • (born 16 September 1960) His fourth child, Aimee Romualdez Marcos, was adopted and was a musician in 2012 Ancestry Marcos claimed that he was a descendant of, a Filipino general during the. He also claimed that his ancestor was a 16th-century pirate (Chinese: 林阿鳳) who used to raid the coasts of the.

Ancestors of Ferdinand Marcos. Main article: Marcos ran a populist campaign emphasizing that he was a bemedalled war hero emerging from. In 1962, Marcos would claim to be the most decorated war hero of the Philippines by garnering almost every medal and decoration that the Filipino and American governments could give to a soldier. Included in his claim of 27 war medals and decorations are that of the and the. According to Primitivo Mijares, author of the book, the opposition Liberal Party would later confirm that many of his war medals were only acquired in 1962 to aid in his reelection campaign for the Senate, not for his presidential campaign. Marcos won the presidency in 1965.

Vietnam War To the surprise of many, soon after becoming president, Marcos wanted the Philippines to become involved, although in a limited way, in the. He asked Congress to approve sending a unit to South Vietnam. When the previous Philippine president, Macapagal, suggested sending troops in 1964–1965, it was Marcos who led the opposition to this plan on both legal and moral grounds. Despite opposition to the new plan, the Marcos government gained Congressional approval and Philippine troops were sent from the middle of 1966 as the Philippines Civic Action Group (PHILCAG). PHILCAG reached a strength of some 1,600 troops in 1968 and between 1966 and 1970 over 10,000 Filipino soldiers served in South Vietnam, mainly being involved in civilian infrastructure projects.

[ ] Second term (1969–1972). Main article: At the height of the armed communist insurgency in the Philippines, instructor Lt Victor Corpuz led rebels in a raid on the PMA armory, capturing rifles, machine guns, grenade launchers, a bazooka and thousands of rounds of ammunition in 1970. In 1972, China, which was then actively supporting and arming communist insurgencies in Asia as part of 's, transported 1,200 M-14 and AK-47 rifles for the NPA to speed up NPA's campaign to defeat the government. According to interviews by with former Officials 'the (Communist) party leadership planned – and three operatives carried out – the (Plaza Miranda) attack in an attempt to provoke government repression and push the country to the brink of revolution.

(Communist Party Leader) Sison had calculated that Marcos could be provoked into cracking down on his opponents, thereby driving thousands of political activists into the underground, the former party officials said. Recruits were urgently needed, they said, to make use of a large influx of weapons and financial aid that China had already agreed to provide.'

— Ferdinand Marcos, January 1973 Marcos declared on September 21, 1972 when his Press Secretary,, announced on Radio that. Which Marcos had signed 2 days earlier on September 21, 1972, had come into force and would extend Marcos's rule beyond the two-term limit. He justified this by highlighting the threats of Communist and Muslim insurgencies. Ruling by decree, he almost dissolved and other to add propaganda machine, closed down Congress and media establishments, and ordered the arrest of opposition leaders and militant activists, including senators, and. However, unlike Ninoy Aquino's senator colleagues who were detained without charges, Ninoy, together with communist NPA leaders Lt Corpuz and, was charged with murder, illegal possession of firearms and subversion.

Marcos claimed that martial law was the prelude to creating his Bagong Lipunan, a 'New Society' based on new social and political values. Martial Law was put on vote in July 1973 in the and was marred with controversy resulting to 90.77% voting yes and 9.23% voting no. A, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth era, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to and allowing Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. The constitution was approved by 95% of the voters in the.

After putting in force amendments to the constitution, legislative action, and securing his sweeping powers and with the Batasan, his supposed successor body to the Congress, under his control, President Marcos lifted martial law on January 17, 1981. However, the suspension of the privilege of the continued in the autonomous regions of and. The opposition dubbed the lifting of martial law as a mere 'face lifting' as a precondition to the visit of. Marcos had a vision of a Bagong Lipunan (New Society) similar to president 's ', China leader Mao Zedong's Great Leap Forward and Korean 's. He used the years of martial law to implement this vision.

According to Marcos's book Notes on the New Society, it was a movement urging the poor and the privileged to work as one for the common goals of society and to achieve the liberation of the Filipino people through self-realization. Economics professor and former Director-General Dr. Gerardo Sicat, an Ph.D. Graduate, portrayed some of Martial Law's effects as follows: Economic reforms suddenly became possible under martial law.

The powerful opponents of reform were silenced and the organized opposition was also quilted. In the past, it took enormous wrangling and preliminary stage-managing of political forces before a piece of economic reform legislation could even pass through Congress. Now it was possible to have the needed changes undertaken through presidential decree. Marcos wanted to deliver major changes in an economic policy that the government had tried to propose earlier. The enormous shift in the mood of the nation showed from within the government after martial law was imposed.

The testimonies of officials of private chambers of commerce and of private businessmen dictated enormous support for what was happening. At least, the objectives of the development were now being achieved. During his martial law regime, Marcos confiscated and appropriated by force and duress many businesses and institutions, both private and public, and redistributed them to his cronies and close personal friends. Two of these friends were, who would go on to control, and, late businessman and chairman of, and father of Antonio 'Tony Boy' Cojuangco (who would eventually succeed his father in the telecommunications company), both happened to be cousins of.

These associates of Marcos then used these as fronts to from institutionalized graft and corruption in the different national governmental agencies as ' for personal benefit. Graft and corruption via bribery,, and became more prevalent during this era. Marcos also silenced the free press, making the press of the state propaganda the only legal one, which was a common practice for governments around the world that sought to fight communism. By 1977, the armed forces had quadrupled and over 60,000 Filipinos had been arrested for political reasons.

In 1981, Vice President praised Marcos for his 'adherence to democratic principles and to the democratic processes'. No American military or politician in the 1970s ever publicly questioned the authority of Marcos to help fight communism in South East Asia. Marcos and his close associates like used their powers to settle scores against old rivals such as the Lopezes who were always opposed to the Marcos administration. Enrile and the Lopezes ( and ) were -educated Filipino leaders. Leading opponents such as Senators,, and many others were imprisoned for months or years.

This practice considerably alienated the support of the old social and economic elite and the media, who criticized the Marcos administration endlessly. The old social and economic elite, all of whom relied on trade and agricultural and industrial exports to the United States such as the families of Enrile, Lopez, Cojuangco, and Aquino, sought a free-market economy. At this point, Marcos controlled both the oligarchy and the oligopoly. Between 1972 and 1976, Marcos increased the size of the Philippine military from 65,000 to 270,000 personnel, in response to the fall of South Vietnam to the communists and the growing tide of communism in South East Asia.

Military officers were placed on the of a variety of media corporations, public utilities, development projects, and other private corporations, most of whom were highly educated and well-trained graduates of the Philippine Military Academy. At the same time, Marcos made efforts to foster the growth of a domestic weapons manufacturing industry and heavily increased military spending. From the declaration of martial law in 1972 until 1983 the U.S. Government provided $2.5 billion in bilateral military and economic aid to the Marcos regime, and about $5.5 billion through multilateral institutions such as the. In a 1979 report it was stated that U.S. Officials were aware, as early as 1973, that Philippine government agents were in the United States to harass Filipino dissidents.

In June 1981, two anti-Marcos labor activists were assassinated outside of a union hall in Seattle. On at least one occasion, agents blocked investigations of Philippine agents. Many human rights abuses were attributed to the which was then headed by future president. The, a precursor of Civilian Armed Forces Geographical Unit (CAFGU), was organized by President Marcos to battle with the communist and Islamic insurgency problem, has particularly been accused of notoriously inflicting human right violations on leftists, the NPA, Muslim insurgents, and rebels against the Marcos government. However, under martial law the Marcos administration was able to reduce violent urban crime, collect unregistered firearms, and suppress communist insurgency in some areas. The Marcos regime instituted a mandatory youth organization, known as the, which was led by Marcos's eldest daughter Imee. Presidential Decree 684, enacted in April 1975, required that all youths aged 15 to 18 be sent to remote rural camps and do volunteer work.

Along with Marcos, members of his circle like Defense Minister, Chief of Staff of the Philippine Constabulary, and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines were the chief administrators of martial law from 1972 to 1981, and the three remained President Marcos's closest advisers until he was ousted in 1986. Other peripheral members of the included and. Normalization of ties with Communist China and effort to isolate local communist rebels Marcos recognized the need to established a peaceful relationship with. In his 1969 State of the Nation Address, he said: We, in Asia must strive toward a modus vivendi with Red China.

I reiterate this need, which is becoming more urgent each day. Before long, Communist China will have increased its striking power a thousand fold with a sophisticated delivery system for its nuclear weapons.

We must prepare for that day. We must prepare to coexist peaceably with Communist China. OFFICE NAME TERM Ferdinand E. Marcos 1978–1986 Ferdinand E. Marcos 1978–1981 1981–1986 Arturo Tanco Jr. 1978–1984 Salvador Escudero III 1984–1986 1978–1984 1984 1984–1985 Pacifico Castro 1985–1986 1978–1986 1978–1979 1979 Ricardo Puno 1979–1984 Estelito Mendoza 1984–1986 1978–1986 Vicente Paterno 1978–1979 1979–1981 1979–1981 1981–1986 Alfredo Juinio 1978–1981 Baltazar Aquino 1978–1979 Vicente Paterno 1979–1980 Jesus Hipolito 1980–1981 Jesus Hipolito 1981–1986 1978–1981 1981–1986 Geronimo Velasco 1978–1986 Minister of Human Settlements 1978–1986 1978–1986 Cabinet.

Vice President during Ferdinand E. Marcos inauguration, June 1981 On June 16, 1981, six months after the lifting of martial law, the was held. President Marcos ran and won a massive victory over the other candidates. The major opposition parties, the (UNIDO), a coalition of opposition parties and LABAN, boycotted the elections. After the lifting of Martial Law, the pressure on the Communist CPP-NPA alleviated. The group able to return to urban areas and form relationships with legal opposition organizations, and became increasingly successful attacks against the government throughout the country. The violence inflicted by the communists reached its peak in 1985 with 1,282 military and police deaths and 1,362 civilian deaths.

Aquino's assassination. See also: During his third term, Marcos's health deteriorated rapidly due to kidney ailments, as a complication of a chronic autoimmune disease. He had a kidney transplant in August 1983, and when his body rejected the first kidney transplant, he had a second transplant in November 1984. Marcos's regime was sensitive to publicity of his condition; a palace physician who alleged that during one of these periods Marcos had undergone a was shortly afterwards found murdered.

Police said he was kidnapped and slain by communist rebels. Many people questioned whether he still had capacity to govern, due to his grave illness and the ballooning political unrest. With Marcos ailing, his powerful wife, Imelda, emerged as the government's main public figure. Marcos dismissed speculations of his ailing health as he used to be an avid golfer and fitness buff who liked showing off his physique. By 1984, U.S.

President started distancing himself from the Marcos regime that he and previous American presidents had strongly supported even after Marcos declared martial law. The United States, which had provided hundreds of millions of dollars in aid, was crucial in buttressing Marcos's rule over the years, although during the the relationship with the U.S. Had soured somewhat when President Jimmy Carter targeted the Philippines in his campaign.

Snap election, revolution. Main articles: and In late 1985, in the face of escalating public discontent and under pressure from foreign allies, Marcos called a ' with more than a year left in his term. He selected as his running mate. The opposition to Marcos united behind two American-educated leaders, Aquino's widow,, and her running mate,. It was during this time that Marcos's World War II medals for fighting the Japanese Occupation was first questioned by the foreign press.

During a campaign in Manila's district, Marcos retorted: You who are here in Tondo and fought under me and who were part of my guerrilla organization—you answer them, these crazy individuals, especially the foreign press. Our opponents say Marcos was not a real guerrilla. Look at them. These people who were collaborating with the enemy when we were fighting the enemy. Now they have the nerve to question my war record. I will not pay any attention to their accusation. Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos on a walk with U.S.

To help finance a number of economic development projects, the Marcos government borrowed large amounts of money from international lenders. The rose more than 70-fold from $360 million in 1962 to $26.2 billion in 1985, making the Philippines one of the most indebted countries in Asia. Philippine Annual Gross Domestic Product grew from $5.27 billion in 1964 to $37.14 billion in 1982, a year prior to the assassination of Ninoy Aquino. The GDP went down to $30.7 billion in 1985, after two years of economic recession brought about by political instability following Ninoy's assassination. A sizable amount of this money went to the Marcos family and friends in the form of behest loans [ ]. As a former colony of the United States, the Philippines was heavily reliant on the American economy to purchase agricultural goods such as sugar, tobacco, coconut, bananas, and pineapple and US corporations prospered.

Economy during martial law (1973–1980) According to World Bank Data, the Philippine's Annual Gross Domestic Product quadrupled from $8 billion in 1972 to $32.45 billion in 1980, while debt stood at US$17.2 billion by the end of 1980. Indeed, according to the U.S.-based Heritage Foundation, the Philippines enjoyed its best economic development since 1945 between 1972 and 1979. The economy grew amidsts two severe global oil shocks following the and – oil price was $3 / barrel in 1973 and $39.5 in 1979, or a growth of 1200%. By the end of 1979, debt was still manageable, with debt to Debt-GNP ratio about the same as South Korea, according to th US National Bureau of Economic Research.

Foreign capital was invited to invest in certain industrial projects. They were offered incentives, including tax exemption privileges and the privilege of bringing out their profits in foreign currencies. One of the most important economic programs in the 1980s was the Kilusang Kabuhayan at Kaunlaran (Movement for Livelihood and Progress). This program was started in September 1981. It aimed to promote the economic development of the by encouraging its residents to engage in their own livelihood projects. The government's efforts resulted in the increase of the nation's economic growth rate to an average of six percent or seven percent from 1970 to 1980.

Economy after martial law (1981–1985). Marcos at the on International Cooperation and Development in Cancun alongside other world leaders including,,,,,; October 23, 1981. The Philippine economy, heavily reliant on exports to the United States, suffered a great decline after the Aquino assassination in August 1983 because Filipino business and political leaders who studied in Harvard, Yale, and other US universities began lobbying American and foreign firms to discourage them from investing in the Philippines. This was taking place at the same time that China was beginning to accept free-market capitalism and American businesses were jockeying to establish manufacturing plants in China. The political troubles of the Philippines hindered the entry of foreign investments, and foreign banks stopped granting loans to the Philippine government.

In an attempt to launch a national economic recovery program and despite his growing isolation from American businesses, Marcos negotiated with foreign creditors including the,, and the (IMF), for a restructuring of the country's foreign debts – to give the Philippines more time to pay the loans. Marcos ordered a cut in government expenditures and used a portion of the savings to finance the Sariling Sikap (Self-Reliance), a livelihood program he established in 1984. However, the economy continued to shrink despite the government's recovery efforts due to a number of reasons. Most of the so-called government development programs failed to materialize. Government funds were often siphoned off by Marcos or his cronies. American investors were discouraged by the Filipino economic elite who were against the corruption that by now had become endemic in the Marcos regime.

The failure of the recovery program was further augmented by civil unrest, rampant graft and corruption within the government, and Marcos's lack of credibility. The unemployment rate increased from 6.25% in 1972 to 11.058% in 1985. Considering the severe 1984–1985 recession, the Philippine economy annual growth rate from 1972 to 1985 of 3.4% is significantly lower than the 5.4% growth rate achieved by other countries in ASEAN (Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore) in the same time period. Creation of a credit bureau In 1981, Ferdinand Marcos issued Letter of Instructions No. 1107 mandating the Central Bank of the Philippines to analyze the probability of establishing and funding the operation of a due to the disturbing increase of failures on corporate borrowers.

In adherence to the order, organized the Credit Information Exchange System under the department of Loans and Credit. It was created to engage in collating, developing and analyzing credit information on individuals, institutions, business entities and other business concerns. It aims to develop and undertake the continuing exchange of credit data within its members and subscribers and to provide an impartial source of credit information for debtors, creditors and the public. On April 14, 1982, was incorporated as a non-stock, non-profit corporation.

CIBI was created pursuant to LOI No. 1107 dated February 16, 1981 and was further strengthened by PD No. 1941 which recognizes and supports CIBI as a suitable to promote the development and maintenance of rational and efficient credit processes in the financial system and in the economy as a whole. In 1997, Credit Information Bureau, Inc. Was incorporated and transformed into a private entity and became is a provider of information and intelligence for business, credit and individuals.

The company also supplies compliance reports before accrediting suppliers, industry partners and even hiring professionals. Economic Controversies According to the book The Making of the Philippines by Frank Senauth (p. 103): 'Marcos himself diverted large sums of government money to his party's campaign funds. Between 1972 and 1980, the average monthly income of wage workers had fallen by 20%. By 1981, the wealthiest 10% of the population was receiving twice as much income as the bottom 60%. The country's total external debt rose from US$2.3 billion in 1970 to US$26.2 billion in 1985 during Marcos's term.

Marcos's critics charged that policies have become debt-driven with rampant corruption and plunder of public funds by Marcos and his cronies. This held the country under a debt-servicing crisis which is expected to be fixed by only 2025. Critics have pointed out an elusive state of the country's development as the period is marred by a sharp devaluing of the Philippine Peso from 3.9 to 20.53. The overall economy experienced a slower growth GDP per capita, lower wage conditions and higher unemployment especially towards the end of Marcos's term after the 1983–1984 recession.

Some of Marcos's critics claimed that poverty incidence grew from 41% in the 1960s at the time Marcos took the Presidency to 59% when he was removed from power, From 1972 to 1980, agricultural production fell by 30%. After declaring martial law in 1972, Marcos promised to implement agrarian reforms. However, the land reforms served largely to undermine Marcos's landholder opponents, not to lessen inequality in the countryside, and encouraged conversion to cash tenancy and greater reliance on farm workers. Under Marcos, timber products were among the nation's top exports but little attention was paid to the environmental impacts of deforestation as cronies never complied with reforestation agreements. By the early 1980s, forestry collapsed because most of the Philippines' accessible forests had been depleted—of the 12 million hectares of forestland, about 7 million had been left barren.' While the book claimed that agricultural production declined by 30% in the 1970s and suggested that timber exports were growing in the same period, an article published by the World Bank on Philippine Agriculture says that crops (rice, corn, coconut, sugar), livestock and poultry and fisheries grew at an average rate of 6.8%, 3% and 4.5%, respectively from 1970 to 1980, and the forestry sector actually declined by an annual average rate of 4.4% through the 1970s.

Despite claims made by the book that land reforms served largely to undermine Marcos's landholder opponents, Marcos's government did not distribute to small farmers his political rival Ninoy Aquino's family's 6,453 hectare plantation, the biggest in the country. By 1960 the and Foundations had worked with the and the to establish the (IRRI) in, ( p7) signaling the rise of the (industrialized, chemical agriculture) to the Philippines. In the late '60s, the Marcos administration took advantage of IRRI's new 'miracle rice' cultivar (), promoting its use throughout the Philippines. While this resulted in annual rice production in the Philippines increasing from 3.7 to 7.7 million tons in two decades and made the Philippines a rice exporter for the first time in the 20th century, the switch to IR8 required more fertilizers and pesticides.

This and other related reforms resulted in high profits for transnational corporations, but were generally harmful to small, peasant farmers who were often pushed into poverty. Human rights abuses. This section needs expansion. You can help. (July 2017) As many student activists like and Rigoberto Tiglao, farmers like, journalists like, legal political opposition ( and fellow candidate in 1978 election Alex Boncayao ), and priest and nuns joined or developed relationships with the, many farmers, student protesters, leftists, political opponents, journalists and members of the media accused of being members or sympathizing with the, or or of plotting against the government were frequent targets of human rights violations. Victims would simply be rounded up with no arrest warrant nor reading of prisoners' rights and kept indefinitely locked up with no charges filed against them.. In a keynote speech at the, journalist Raissa Robles described how anyone could just be arrested (or abducted) with ease through pre-signed Arrest Search and Seizure Orders (ASSO), which allowed the military or police to detain victims on trumped up charges or unclear allegations according to research.

Anybody could be picked up at anytime for any reason by the military or the police, according to Raissa's husband, journalist Alan Robles. A 1976 report had listed 88 government torturers, including members of the Philippine Constabulary and the Philippine Army, which was respectively under the direct control of Major General Fidel V. Ramos and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile. According to torture victim Rigoberto Tiglao, nearly all of the human rights abuses President Marcos has been accused of were undertaken by Philippine Constabulary units, especially through its national network of “Constabulary Security Units,” whose heads reported directly to Fidel V.

The most dreaded of these was the Manila-based 5th Constabulary Security Unit (CSU) which featured the dreaded torturer Lt. Rodolfo Aguinaldo, credited with capturing most of the Communist Party leaders including Jose Ma. Sison and the communist's Manila-Rizal Regional Committee he headed, the under the command of Col.

Rolando Abadilla, and the Intelligence Service, Armed Forces of the Philippines (ISAFP). There are various statistics for human rights abuses committed during the Marcos regime.

Has recorded: • 2,668 incidents of arrests • 398 disappearances • 1,338 salvagings • 128 frustrated salvagings • 1,499 killed or wounded in massacres Amnesty International reports: • 70,000 imprisoned • 34,000 tortured • 3,240 killed Historian gives a figure of 3,257 recorded by the military from 1975 to 1985, 35,000 tortured and 70,000 incarcerated. The newspaper Bulatlat (lit. 'to open carelessly') places the number of victims of arbitrary arrest and detention at 120,000, the extrajudicial execution of activists under martial law at 1,500 and Karapatan (a local human rights group)'s records show 759 involuntarily disappeared with their bodies never found. In addition to these, up to 10,000 were by the,, and the pro-government paramilitary group. This section needs expansion.

You can help. (July 2017) Victims were often taken to military 'Safehouses', a euphemism for hidden places of torture, often blindfolded. In a document titled 'Open Letter to the Filipino People,' martial law martyr described safehouses as such: 'Safehouses usually have their windows always shut tight.

They are usually covered with high walls. One would usually detect [safehouses] through the traffic of motorcycles and cars, going in and out of the house at irregular hours. Burly men, armed with pistols tucked in their waists or in clutch bags, usually drive these vehicles.'

This section needs expansion. You can help. (July 2017) Number of 'salvage' cases (TFDP) Year No. Of cases 1980 139 1981 218 1982 210 1983 368 1984 538 Total 1,473 Summary executions, with often mutilated bodies, sometimes bearing signs of torture, recovered. One theory is that the term is derived from the Spanish word salvaje (savage).

Mutilated remains were often dumped on roadsides for public display in order to show what happens in 'safehouses', to spread a sense of fear and intimidate opponents -- turning the Philippines into a theater state of terror. Anyone could be salvaged - Communist rebels, suspects, innocent civilians and priests included. TFDP documented 1,473 'salvage' cases from 1980 to 1984 alone: Victims included 16-year-old (tortured brutally, with burn marks, all his nails pulled and removed, 33 ice pick wounds around his body, skull bashed in, eyeballs gouged out, genitals mutilated, then dropped from a helicopter), student, and Juan Escandor. Enforced disappearances.

This section needs expansion. You can help. (October 2017) It is hard to judge the full extent of massacres and atrocities which happened during the Marcos regime due to a heavily censored press at the time. Some of the civilian massacres include the following: •,.

1, 1981 - coconut farmers marched to air their grievances. Military opened fire on a group of farmers that neared Guinayangan plaza. Two people died and 27 were wounded. 24, 1981 - A family, the Gumapons, were asleep in Sitio Gitason, Barrio Lampasan when paramilitary members of the 'Rock Christ', a fanatical pseudo-religious sect, strafed their house. 10 of the 12 persons in the house were killed, including an infant.

15, 1981 - 18 heavily armed security men of the San Jose Timber Corp. (owned by ) who were also members of the Special Forces of the and allied with the Lost Command (a paramilitary group pursuing insurgents) ordered residents of Barrio Sag-od to come out of their homes. They opened fire, killing 45 men, women and children.

Only 13 inhabitants of Barrio Sag-od survived. 19, 1981 - More than 400 of Culasi's mountain barangays held a rally to raise two issues: complaint against a new Philippine Constabulary company in their area and the reduction of taxes on farm products. The rallyists were warned, but they pushed on. Soldiers opened fire while the rallyists were on the bridge. Five farmers died and several were injured. 3, 1982 - 5 men in their twenties were rounded up by military elements at around 7pm.

The next day, their corpses were found. The military had suspected them to be communist supporters. 12, 1982 - Members of the killed 12 persons to avenge the death of their leader who was reportedly killed by the NPA. March 23, 1982 - troopers of the 357th PC company killed 8 people in Masaymon barrio.

6 of the 8 victims were 3-18 years of age. May 25, 1982 - Airplanes dropped bombs on Barangay Dimalinao as military reprisal against the community because communist rebels killed a soldier two days earlier. Three people died and eight people were injured. Days later, two men from the community were picked up and killed. Months later, the residence of Bayog's parish priest was strafed with bullets. He had written letters protesting the torture and harassment of who were suspected to be supporters of armed communists.

June 14, 1982 - People from different barrios marched to denounce 'fake elections',, and to demand an increase in prices. Soldiers opened fire as marchers moved forward. 4 people died on the spot, at least 50 were injured, and 2 of the seriously wounded died 2 months later. June 21, 1982 - In a dimly lit house, six peasant organizers were discussing and assessing their work when 25-35 uniformed military men with firearms burst in. While one of them was able to slip away, 5 of the peasants were taken by elements of the 175th PC Company to Pulo in town. By midnight, 5 bullet-riddled corpses lay at the municipal hall of San Rafael.

June 23, 1982 - Five men were gunned down by soldiers of the 45th Infantry Battalion’s Mabilo detachment to avenge the death of a friend of one of the soldiers in the hands of unidentified gunmen. Muslim massacres.

This section needs expansion. You can help. (October 2017) The Marcos regime had started to kill hundreds of Moros even before the imposition of Martial Law in 1972.

Thousands of were killed during the Marcos regime, prompting them to form insurgent groups and separatist movements such as the and, which became more radical with time due to atrocities against Muslims. According to the study The Liberation Movements in Mindanao: Root Causes and Prospects for Peace, a doctoral dissertation by Marjanie Salic Macasalong, the number of Moro victims killed by the,, and the (a notorious government-sanctioned terrorist cult known for cannibalism and land-grabbing that served as members of the CHDF) reached as high as 10,000 lives. Some of the massacres include: • The in March 1968 with 11 to 68 Moros killed.

This is the aftermath of an aborted operation to destabilize,. • From 1970 to 1971, pro-government militias like the were behind 21 cases of massacres which left 518 people dead, 184 injured and 243 houses burned down. • The Tacub Massacre in, 1971 - five truckloads of displaced resident voters were stopped at a military checkpoint in Tacub.

People were asked to line up as if in a firing squad, then they were summarily executed in with open fire from armed men. Dozens of bodies were strewn all over the road of the barangay after the incident. • The in June 1971, with 70-79 Moros, including women and children, were killed inside a mosque by suspected and Philippine Constabulary • The Burning of in February 7-8, 1974, where land, sea and air bombardment by the Armed Forces of the Philippines caused fires and destruction in the central commercial town of Jolo that killed over 1,000 and possibly up to 20,000 civilians. It was described as 'the worst single atrocity to be recorded in 16 years of the Mindanao conflict' by the April 1986 issue of the Philippines Dispatch. • The in September 1974, where about 1,500 male Moros were killed inside a mosque, 3,000 women and children aged 9-60 were detained, and about 300 women raped by the Philippine Constabulary. • The in 1982 where 3,000 civilians, including women and children, were killed by months of Philippine military artillery shelling. • The Tong Umapoy Massacre in 1983 where a Navy ship opened fire on a passenger boat en route to an athletic event in.

57 people on board were killed. By NPA rebels Human Rights Violations were also committed by the NPA, which summarily executes “enemies of the people”, who they say were condemned by “people’s courts”.

From late 1985 to mid-1986, over 600 communist cadres and activists were killed by their own men in a hunt for “deep penetration agents” who had infiltrated the movement for the military. Cadres were accused by their comrades of being military agents and tortured. They confessed and implicated others, leading to more torture and kill. Family denial On the stories of human rights abuses during the Marcos administration, describes them as 'self-serving statements by politicians, self-aggrandizement narratives, pompous declarations, and political posturing and propaganda.'

Ill-gotten wealth. This section needs expansion. You can help. (July 2017) The Philippine Supreme Court considers all Marcos assets beyond their legally declared earnings/salary to be ill-gotten wealth and such wealth have been forfeited in favor of the government or human rights victims. However, except for a former Marcos aide who conspired to sell a and other artworks sequestered by the Philippine government, no one accused of taking what the Philippine government calls 'ill-gotten' assets has been convicted for plundering the Philippine treasury, receiving bribes, or corruption. In 1990, Imelda Marcos, the widow of the former Philippine President, was acquitted of charges by a U.S.

Jury that she raided the country's treasury and invested the money in the United States. In 1993, she was convicted of graft in Manila for entering into three unfavorable lease contracts between a Government-run transportation agency and another government-run hospital. In 1998, the Philippine Supreme Court overturned the previous conviction of Imelda Marcos and acquitted her of corruption charges. In 2008, Philippine trial court judge Silvino Pampilo acquitted Imelda Marcos, then widow of Ferdinand Marcos, of 32 counts of illegal money transfer from the 1993 graft conviction. In 2010, she was ordered to repay the Philippine government almost $280,000 for funds taken by Ferdinand Marcos in 1983. In 2012, a US Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit upheld a contempt judgement against Imelda and her son Bongbong Marcos for violating an injunction barring them from dissipating their assets, and awarded $353.6 million to human rights victims.

As of October 2015, she still faces 10 criminal charges of graft, along with 25 civil cases, down from 900 cases in the 1990s, as most of the cases were dismissed for lack of evidence., founder of Makati Business Club and former chairman and president of, in his sworn statement, estimated Marcos gold hoard valued at US$100 billion and that Marcos wealth and riches were part of the stolen Yamashita treasure. Moreover, Marcelino Tagle, ex-director of and Ten Outstanding Young Man awardee in 1967, corroborated Zobel and said that Marcos's gold was not stolen from the Philippine government, but came from stolen Yamashita gold hoard and Vatican gold stolen by Hitler.

[ ] On May 9, 2016, the released the searchable database from. His two daughters, Imee Marcos Manotoc and Irene Marcos Araneta, have been named, along with his grandsons Fernando Manotoc, Matthew Joseph Manotoc, Ferdinand Richard Manotoc, his son-in-law Gregorio Maria Araneta III, including his estranged son-in-law Tommy Manotoc's relatives Ricardo Gabriel Manotoc and Teodoro Kalaw Manotoc. According to the and The Guardian, Ferdinand Marcos had an accumulated stolen wealth of US $10 billion during his presidency from 1965 to 1986, while earning an annual salary equivalent to US $13,500.00. On September 3, 2017, President said the family of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos is 'ready to return' their wealth to the government, possibly through a settlement. Death and burial. The body of Ferdinand Marcos was stored in a refrigerated crypt at the in Batac, Ilocos Norte until 2016.

In his dying days, Marcos was visited by Vice President. During the meeting with Salvador Laurel, Marcos offered 90% of his possessions back to the Filipino people in exchange for being buried back in the Philippines beside his mother, an offer also disclosed to.

However, Marcos's offer was rebuffed by the. Marcos died in on the morning of September 28, 1989, of kidney, heart, and lung ailments. Marcos was interred in a private mausoleum at on the island of Oahu where his remains were visited daily by the Marcos family, political allies and friends. The Aquino government refused to allow Marcos's body to be brought back to the Philippines. The body was only brought back to the Philippines 4 years after Marcos's death during the term of President.

From 1993 to 2016, his remains were interred inside a refrigerated crypt in, where his son, Ferdinand Jr., and eldest daughter, Imee have since become the local governor and congressional representative, respectively. Of Ferdinand Marcos (inspired by ) was commissioned by the tourism minister,, and carved into a hillside in Benguet. It was subsequently destroyed; suspects included left-wing activists, members of a local tribe who had been displaced by construction of the monument, and looters hunting for the legendary. Opinion on his burial remains split: 50 percent of the 1,800 respondents of a survey conducted by in February 2016 said Marcos 'was worthy to be buried at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani' while the other half rejected a hero's burial, calling him a 'thief'. On November 18, 2016, the remains of Marcos was buried at the despite opposition from various groups. The burial came as unexpected to many, as the Supreme Court's ruling still allowed 15 days for the opposition to file a motion for reconsideration. On the morning of November 18, using Philippine Armed Forces choppers, his family and their supporters flew his remains from Ilocos to Manila for a private burial.

Students of the along protesting against the burial of Marcos insisting that the former President is not a hero and a dictator. Various protest groups formed immediately upon news of the burial. Among those who gathered to opposed the burial was a group of youth.

The League of Filipino Students described the transfer of Marcos remains for the eventually successful burial the former president as being done like 'a thief in the night.' They also criticized the government's involvement in the burial of the former president which they describe as a 'fascist dictator'. The condemn the burial labeling it as a 'grave travesty' and as ' galawang Hokage' ( lit. Move; Hokage is a high-ranked in the anime franchise). One of Marcos's infrastructure projects Marcos's government built widely publicized infrastructure projects and monuments using foreign currency loans and at great taxpayer cost. This focus on infrastructure, which critics saw as a propaganda technique, eventually earned the colloquial label 'edifice complex'. These including hospitals like the,, and, transportation infrastructure like (formerly Marcos Bridge),, North Luzon Expressway, South Luzon Expressway, and, and 17 hydroelectric and plants to lessen the country's dependency on oil.

By 1983, the Philippines became the second largest producer of in the world with the commissioning of the Tongonan 1 and Palinpinon 1 geothermal plants. According to UP Economics Professor Dr.

Sicat, 'a study of infrastructure construction by various presidents shows that Marcos was the president who made the largest infrastructure investment. This is not because he was the longest-serving leader of the country alone. On a per-year basis, he led all the presidents. Only had bested him in road building for a period of one year'. On the education front, 47 state colleges and universities were built during the Marcos administration, which represents over 40% of all the existing 112 state colleges and universities in the country.

To help transform the country's agricultural-based economy to a, he spearheaded the development of 11 heavy industrialization projects including steel, petrochemical, cement, pulp and paper mill, and copper smelter. Cultural and heritage sites like the, Nayong Pilipino, and the disastrous and ill-fated were built as well. Laws Likewise, the country crafted a large number of decrees, laws, and edicts during Marcos's term. From 1972 to 1986, the Marcos Administration codified laws through 2,036 Presidential Decrees, an average of 145 per year during the 14-year period. To put this into context, only 14, 12, and 11 laws were passed in 2015, 2014 and 2013, respectively. Dnn Community Edition.

A large amount of the laws passed during the term of Marcos remain in force today and are embedded in the country's legal system. Marcos, together with agriculture minister and Arturo Tanco and later on Salvador Escudero Jr., was instrumental in the in the Philippines and initiated an agricultural program called Masagana 99, improving agricultural productivity and enabling the country to achieve rice sufficiency in the late 1970s. Authored works • National discipline: the key to our future (1970) • Today's Revolution: Democracy (1971) • Notes on the New Society of the Philippines (1973) • Tadhana: the history of the Filipino People (1977, 1982) • The democratic revolution in the Philippines (1977) • Five years of the new society (1978) • President Ferdinand E. Marcos on law, development and human rights (1978) • President Ferdinand E. Marcos on agrarian reform (1979) • An Ideology for Filipinos (1980) • An introduction to the politics of transition (1980) • Marcos's Notes for the, 1981 (1981) • Progress and Martial Law (1981) • The New Philippine Republic: A Third World Approach to Democracy (1982) • Toward a New Partnership: The Filipino Ideology (1983) • A Trilogy on the Transformation of Philippine Society (1988) Reparations In 1995, some 10,000 Filipinos won a U.S.

Lawsuit filed against the Marcos estate. The claims were filed by victims or their surviving relatives consequent on torture, execution, and disappearances. The, initially reluctant to respond to allegations that stolen funds were held in Swiss accounts, has returned $684 million of Marcos's stash. Corazon Aquino repealed many of the repressive laws that had been enacted during Marcos's dictatorship. She restored the right of access to, repealed anti-labor laws and freed hundreds of. From 1989 to 1996, a series of suits were brought before U.S.

Courts against Marcos and his daughter Imee, alleging that they bore responsibility for executions, torture, and disappearances. A jury in the awarded USD2 billion to the plaintiffs and to a composed of human rights victims and their families. On June 12, 2008, the (in a 7–2 ruling penned by Justice in Republic of the Philippines v. Mariano Pimentel) held that: 'The judgment of the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit is reversed, and the case is remanded with instructions to order the District Court to dismiss the action.'

The court dismissed the interpleader lawsuit filed to determine the rights of 9,500 Filipino human rights victims (1972–1986) to recover USD35 million, part of a USD2 billion judgment in U.S. Courts against the Marcos estate, because the Philippines government is an indispensable party, protected.

The Philippines government claimed ownership of the funds transferred by Marcos in 1972 to Arelma S.A., which invested the money with, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Inc., in New York. In July 2017, the Philippine Court of Appeals rejected the petition seeking to enforce the United States court decision that awarded the $2 billion in compensation to human rights victims during the term of former President Ferdinand Marcos. Before it was destroyed in 2002. Marcos left a mixed legacy for future generations. On one hand, many laws written by Marcos are still in force and in effect.

Out of thousands of proclamations, decrees, and executive orders, only a few were repealed, revoked, modified or amended. On the other, his twenty years in power represent the bloodiest in the history of Philippines, with more extra judicial killings of civic people than those that occurred during parallel Latin American dictators like. More importantly, many people who rose to power under Marcos continued to remain in power or even ascended higher after his exile, thus leaving a further imprint on present-day Filipino affairs. One of these was, a general promoted by Marcos who supervised many terror killings and tortures, who later switched sides and subsequently fought elections and became president himself. I often wonder what I will be remembered in history for. Military hero?

The new constitution? Reorganization of government? Builder of roads, schools? The green revolution?

Uniter of variant and antagonistic elements of our people? He brought light to a dark country? Strong rallying point, or a weak tyrant? — Ferdinand Marcos Massive foreign loans also enabled Marcos to build more schools, hospitals and infrastructure than all of his predecessors combined, but at great cost. Today, according to Ibon Foundation, a left-leaning think tank that advocated the government to default on its debt, Filipino citizens are still bearing the heavy burden of servicing public debts incurred during Marcos's administration, with ongoing interest payments on the loan schedule by the Philippine government estimated to last until 2025–59 years after Marcos assumed office and 39 years after he was kicked out.

Corazon Aquino had an opportunity to default and not pay foreign debt incurred during the Marcos administration. However, due to Finance Secretary 's warning on the consequences of a debt, which includes isolating the country from the international financial community and hampering the economic recovery, Corazon Aquino honored all the debts incurred during the Marcos Administration, contrary to expectations of left-learning organizations like Ibon foundation which advocated for non-payment of debt. Jaime Ongpin, who is a brother of Marcos trade minister, was later dismissed by Cory Aquino and later died in an apparent suicide after 'he had been depressed about infighting in Aquino's cabinet and disappointed that the 'People Power' uprising which had toppled dictator Ferdinand Marcos had not brought significant change'.

In the 2004 Global Transparency Report, Marcos appeared in the list of the World's Most Corrupt Leaders, listed in second place behind, the former President of Indonesia. The amount of theft perpetrated by Marcos's regime was probably less than that by Suharto on Indonesia, but harmed our country more because the sums stolen by Marcos were sent out of the country, whereas Suharto's loot mostly were invested in Indonesia.

— Former Senator According to, in several vital industries were created and placed under the control of Marcos cronies, such as the industries (under and ), the industry (under ), the industry (under Antonio Floirendo), the industry (under Roberto Benedicto), and (under Herminio Disini and Ricardo Silverio). The Marcos and Romualdez families became owners, directly or indirectly, of the nation's largest corporations, such as the Philippine Long Distance Company (PLDC), of which the present name is (PLDT), (PAL), (an electric company),, numerous newspapers, radio and TV broadcasting companies (such as ), several banks (most notably the Philippine Commercial and Industrial Bank; PCIBank of the Lopezes [now after merging with Equitable Bank and after BDO acquired the merged ]), and in New York, California and Hawaii. The Aquino government also accused them of skimming off foreign aid and international assistance.

During the ICIJ's (International Consortium of Investigative Journalists) expose of in April 2013, the name of his eldest daughter,, appeared on the list of wealthy people involved in offshore financial secrecy. It was revealed that she is hiding parts of her father's ill-gotten wealth in in the. Comparisons have also been made between Ferdinand Marcos and Lee Kuan Yew's authoritarian style of governance and Singapore's success, but in his autobiography, From Third World to First: The Singapore Story: 1965–2000, Lee relates: It is a soft, forgiving culture. Only in the Philippines could a leader like Ferdinand Marcos, who pillaged his country for over 20 years, still be considered for a national burial. Insignificant amounts of the loot have been recovered, yet his wife and children were allowed to return and engage in politics.